Liturgi

Louis Bouyer om alteret

P. Louis Bouyers skrev en bok Liturgy and Architecture i 1968, som jeg så langt ikke har fått tak i. I en omtale av denne boka (og Ratzingers bruk av den) forklares det hvorfor den liturgiske bevegelse etter hvert ønsket å «snu alteret»:

Drawing on his own experience, Bouyer relates that the pioneers of the Liturgical Movement in the twentieth century had two chief motives for promoting the celebration of Mass versus populum. First, they wanted the Word of God to be proclaimed towards the people. According to the rubrics for Low Mass, the priest had to read the Epistle and the Gospel from the book resting on the altar. Thus the only option was to celebrate the whole Mass “facing the people,” as was provided for by the Missal of St Pius V21 to cover the particular arrangement of the major Roman basilicas. The instruction of the Sacred Congregation of Rites Inter Oecumenici of September 26, 1964 allowed the reading of the Epistle and Gospel from a pulpit or ambo, so that the first incentive for Mass facing the people was met. There was, however, another reason motivating many exponents of the Liturgical Movement to press for this change, namely, the intention to reclaim the perception of the Holy Eucharist as a sacred banquet, which was deemed to be eclipsed by the strong emphasis on its sacrificial character. The celebration of Mass facing the people was seen as an adequate way of recovering this loss.

Videre skriver U. M. Lang i denne artikkelen om forholdet mellom messen som en offerhandling og et hellig måltid:

Bouyer notes in retrospect a tendency to conceive of the Eucharist as a meal in contrast to a sacrifice, which he calls a fabricated dualism that has no warrant in the liturgical tradition. As the Catechism of the Catholic Church puts it, “The Mass is at the same time, and inseparably, the sacrificial memorial in which the sacrifice of the cross is perpetuated and the sacred banquet of communion with the Lord’s body and blood,”, and these two aspects cannot be isolated from each other. According to Bouyer, our situation today is very different from that of the first half of the twentieth century, since the meal aspect of the Eucharist has become common property, and it is its sacrificial character that needs to be recovered.

Pastoral experience confirms this analysis, because the understanding of the Mass as both the sacrifice of Christ and the sacrifice of the Church has diminished considerably, if not faded away among the faithful. Therefore it is a legitimate question to ask whether the stress on the meal aspect of the Eucharist that complemented the celebrant priest’s turning towards the people has been overdone and has failed to proclaim the Eucharist as “a visible sacrifice (as the nature of man demands).” The sacrificial character of the Eucharist must find an adequate expression in the actual rite. Since the third century, the Eucharist has been named “prosphora,” “anaphora,” and “oblation,” terms that articulate the idea of “bringing to,” “presenting,” and thus of a movement towards God.

Romano Guardini om alterets plass og messens struktur

Jeg nevnte noen ganger i august 2011 – HER, HER og HER et foredrag av professor Manfred Hauke (som jeg fant på NLM-bloggen). I foredraget var det første og fremst noen tanker av Romano Guardini (som var så viktig for Ratzinger) som kan forklare hvordan vi er kommet dit vi er i dag; at messen knapt forstås som et offer båret fram for Gud mer. Slik leser vi:

The discussion of our topic, in its stricter sense, begins in 1939 with some meditations of Romano Guardini, … The core of the discussion revolves around the idea that, according to Guardini, the “structure” (or “form, figure, shape”, in German Gestalt) and its “content” (Gehalt) are entirely different things: the Holy Mass, in its “structure”, is a meal, but its “content” is a sacrifice. This divergence between liturgical structure and dogmatic content, according to Ratzinger, “must be regarded as the central problem of the liturgical reform. Failure to deal with it has resulted in a great many of the individual problems which have since preoccupied us.” …

… Guardini refers especially to the Last Supper, and then continues: “The supporting structure of the Mass is the meal. The sacrifice does not emerge as structure, but remains behind the whole. In this way, it is not pushed back. Already in the history of religion, every cultic meal, or even ultimately every meal, depends on it. … The animal that should serve for food must be immolated, properly speaking, before the altar, because blood and life belong to God … From the altar, from the hands of the Lord, man then receives the immolated victim and uses it as nourishment.” Applied to the Mass, this means: “Its structure is the meal; behind it – not as structure, but as reality, as fountain, as condition – is the sacrifice.”

Guardini forstod selv ganske snart at hans tanker ble misforstått av mange – jeg må innrømme at jeg ikke selv forstår hva han mener, enten tenker han for avansert, eller rett og slett feil – og han gjorde forandringer i senere utgaver av skriftet:

In the fourth edition of 1947, Guardini omits his expositions on the “structure” of the Holy Mass. He explains this omission in his preface, writing: “the chapter ‘The Form of Commemoration, the Meal’ … had to be omitted because it gave rise to certain misunderstandings. … The reflections of the chapter dealt with … a pure problem of form [Formproblem]. They were not, however, understood in this way, but they were implicated in the old controversy in which the Catholic doctrine says that the Mass is ‘a true and proper sacrifice’ … The reflections of the mentioned chapter did not concern, not even in a minimal way, this controversy. …

På tross av dette inneholdt senere utgaver likevel det Guardini selv hadde tatt bort.

Jungmann om å snu alteret – del 2

Vi kan lese mer om Josef Jungmanns synspunkter i en annen artikkel om alterets plassering, av U. M. Lang, bl.a.:

The reform of the Roman Rite of Mass that was carried out after the Second Vatican Council has significantly altered the shape of Catholic worship. One of the most evident changes was the construction of freestanding altars. The versus populum celebration was adopted throughout the Latin Church, and, with few exceptions, it has become the prevailing practice during Mass for the celebrant to stand behind the altar facing the congregation. This uniformity has led to the widespread misunderstanding that the priest’s «turning his back on the people» is characteristic of the rite of Mass according to the Missal of Pope Saint Pius V whereas the priest’s «turning towards the people» belongs to the Novus Ordo Mass of Pope Paul VI. It is also widely assumed by the general public that the celebration of Mass «facing the people» is required, indeed even imposed, by the liturgical reform that was inaugurated by Vatican II.

However, the relevant conciliar and post-conciliar documents present quite a different picture. The Council’s Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, Sacrosanctum Concilium, speaks neither of a celebration versus populum nor of the setting up of new altars. In view of this fact it is all the more astonishing how rapidly «versus populum altars» appeared in Catholic churches all over the world. …

(In a document from the Vatican) it is said to be desirable to set up the main altar separate from the back wall, so that the priest can walk around it easily and a celebration facing the people is possible. Josef Andreas Jungmann asks us to consider this: «It is only the possibility that is emphasized. And this [separation of the altar from the wall] is not even prescribed, but is only recommended, as one will see if one looks at the Latin text of the directive…. In the new instruction the general permission of such an altar layout is stressed only with regard to possible obstacles or local restrictions.»

In a letter addressed to the heads of bishops’ conferences, dated January 25, 1966, Cardinal Giacomo Lercaro, the president of the Consilium, states that regarding the renewal of altars «prudence must be our guide». He goes on to explain: «Above all because for a living and participated liturgy, it is not indispensable that the altar should be versus populum: in the Mass, the entire liturgy of the word is celebrated at the chair, ambo or lectern, and, therefore, facing the assembly; as to the eucharistic liturgy, loudspeaker systems make participation feasible enough. Secondly, hard thought should be given to the artistic and architectural question, this element in many places being protected by rigorous civil laws.»

With reference to Cardinal Lercaro’s exhortation to prudence, Jungmann warns us not to make the option granted by the instruction into «an absolute demand, and eventually a fashion, to which one succumbs without thinking». Inter Oecumenici permits the Mass facing the people, but it does not prescribe it. As Louis Bouyer emphasized in 1967, that document does not at all suggest that Mass facing the people is always the preferable form of Eucharistic celebration.

I kommisjonen Consilium, som snekret sammen den nye messeliturgien i årene før 1969, hadde altså både lederen, kardinal Lercaro, og to sentrale medlemmer, Jungmann og Bouyer (jeg leser bøker av begge disse to akkurat nå) sterke reservasjoner mot å snu alterne. I artikkelen til Lang kan vi også lese under overskrifta Early Critics of «facing the people»:

Already in the sixties, theologians of international renown criticized the sweeping triumph of the celebration versus populum. In addition to Jungmann and Bouyer, Joseph Ratzinger, then professor of theology at Tübingen and peritus at the Council, delivered a lecture at the Katholikentag of 1966 in Bamberg that was received with much attention. His observations have lost nothing of their relevance: «We can no longer deny that exaggerations and aberrations have crept in which are both annoying and unbecoming. Must every Mass, for instance, be celebrated facing the people? Is it so absolutely important to be able to look the priest in the face, or might it not be often very salutary to reflect that he also is a Christian and that he has every reason to turn to God with all his fellow-Christians of the congregation and to say together with them ‘Our Father’?»

Jungmann om å snu alteret

Jeg spurte for et par dager siden om Josef Jungmanns (jeg leser nå hans 1000 sider om messeliturgiens utvikling) synspunkter på at katolske altere ble «snudd» nesten over hele verden fra og med midten av 60-tallet. Svaret på spørsmålet er tydeligvis at han på 50- og tidlig 60-tall hadde arbeidet for en slik utvikling, men snudde mot slutten av 60-tallet og mente at en slik «snuing» var misforstått og uheldig. Slik åpner en artikkel som drøfter dette spørsmålet: «The claim that the altar of the early Church was always designed to celebrate facing the people, a claim made often and repeatedly, turns out to be nothing but a fairy tale.» —Josef Jungmann, S.J.

I samme artikkel kan vi lese videre:

Jungmann … had originally pressed hard for the implementation of the versus populum arrangement in the modern world. Shortly after the reforms began, he would come to question his presuppositions, and in time, admit their essential fantasy.

Jungmann’s pre-Conciliar support gave the practice a scholarly veneer. His historical works nonetheless do not treat the subject with great confidence: in his magisterial work The Mass of the Roman Rite, he touches on the issue of its historicity as a foregone conclusion, but fails to back his contentions with much in the way of solid documentation. In other works, he suggested that the proper rationale for present-day versus populum was principally pastoral rather than archaeological. Indeed, he even suggested the Early Christians were sloppy or even ambivalent to the whole issue of direction, apparently ignoring the vast corpus of early Christian hymnody, art and liturgy now known to be focused on Christ-as-rising sun and the East. …

… The long history of ad orientem liturgy is a matter of archaeological record. That being said, the question this paper answers might be said to be a moot point, if Pius XII’s advice in Mediator Dei is to be heeded. The worship of the primitive Christians is not the be-all and the end-all of liturgy:

Assuredly it is a wise and most laudable thing to return in spirit and affection to the sources of the sacred liturgy. For research in this field of study, by tracing it back to its origins, contributes valuable assistance towards a more thorough and careful investigation of the significance of feast-days, and of the meaning of the texts and sacred ceremonies employed on their occasion. But it is neither wise nor laudable to reduce everything to antiquity by every possible device. Thus, to cite some instances, one would be straying from the straight path were he to wish the altar restored to its primitive table form …

The prevailing versus populum view of the liturgists of the 1960s was backed up by the latest in archaeological discoveries. This has in turn been disproved by even newer discoveries and scholarship which support the living tradition of ad orientem worship. Perhaps we would have done well to not be so skeptical in the first place of the customs that have been handed onto us. It is in this light that the deep wisdom of Pius XII’s words becomes apparent. The wisdom of what was once a continuous, living tradition, written off in the name of what was then the cutting-edge of a scientific approach to liturgy, has been found to be more trustworthy than we supposed, after all.

So what is the next step in our pilgrimage to the East? This question of orientation, underscoring the presence of the Living God in our sanctuaries, is one close to Benedict’s heart. Yet, having lived through the great trauma of the rapid and perhaps imprudent changes of the late sixties, he understands the dangers of radical, unexplained change. Ratzinger wrote in The Spirit of the Liturgy that it would be a mistake to “reject all the reforms of our century wholesale,” but that the face-to-face dialogue of the Liturgy of the Word must also be distinguished from the “common turning to the East during the Eucharistic prayer,” which remains “essential,” as“[l]ooking at the priest has no importance. […] It is not a question of dialogue but of common worship, of setting off towards the One who is to come. Ratzinger suggests the solution in places “when a direct common turning towards the East is not possible,” to create an “interior ‘east’ of faith,” in the form of a large standing crucifix on the center of the altar table-top for both priest and people to face, and to in part conceal the priest’s identity so that we might recall that he is not acting for his own sake at the altar. This, along with catechesis and education, will pave the way slowly towards a gradual re-orientation of the liturgy, and will prepare us in time to once again turn both physically and spiritually back to the East. Once we realize that we are meant to gaze upon the same Christ rather than on the talking head of the priest, the ancient custom of the eastward position will not seem so outré and alien. …

Tanker om messefeiringen – og Jungmanns bok om messen

Før jeg begynte å studere messens utvikling (dvs før 2007, flere år etter min ordinasjon) hadde jeg bare hørt at man etter konsilet tok bort mange, lange og helt unødvendige deler av messen i den omfattende liturgireformen etter konsilet. Den påstanden er selvsagt helt feil, for den katolske messen hadde aldri vært særlig lang eller komplisert.
Etter mitt syn nå i dag hadde det vært passende om ca 1/3 av forandringene i messen etter konsilet hadde kommet, som en forholdsvis omfattende revisjon av messen man hadde – og ikke som en Novus ordo, en helt ny messe – for det var vel en revisjon, og ikke noe mer, biskopene hadde i tankene da de vedtok Sacrosanctum concilium.

Den nye messen fra 1969 gjorde altså dramatiske forandringer på messen man hadde kjent i rundt 1500 år, og oftest nevnes Josef A. Jungmann, SJ, som den forskeren som aller mest ledet Kirken i en slik radikal retning. Jeg har satt meg fore å se om dette er korrekt, og når jeg nå har lest gjennom over halvparten av Jungmanns The Mass of the Roman Rite – Its Origins and Development, har jeg lagt merke til tre ting:

1
Jungmann snakker hele tiden om messen som en offerhandling, et offer som bæres fram for Gud, og at dette er det viktigste som skjer i messen – og dette er aldri noe han kritiserer. Når flere av liturgi-reformatorene etter konsilet ønsket å dempe eller nesten helt da bort offeraspektet i messen, bygget de altså ikke på Jungmann. (Men hvem bygget de da på?)

2
Når Jungmann snakker om de troendes aktive deltakelse i messen, nevner han aldri praktiske/ ytre aktiviteter – men at de troende skal kunne følge med i det som skjer i messens gang. Han liker ikke utenpåklistrede fortolkninger av messen eller en allegorisk forståelse av den, eller at folk skal gjøre helt andre ting (som å be rosenkransen) under messen. Når man en del steder (ikke så mye i Norge) legger veldig stor vekt på at menigheten må aktiviseres med mange praktiske oppgaver under messen, bygger man altså heller ikke på Jungmann – han ville at de troende skulle kunne vie seg til de hellige handlinger som utspilte seg i messen.

3
Jungmann snakker riktignok (men er noe usikker på om det var slik andre steder) om at i de eldste kirkene i Roma var alteret vendt mot menigheten (fordi apsis lå mot vest, og man alltid skulle be mot øst) – samtidig som han er helt klar på at man tidlig (nesten alle steder) både i øst og i vest hadde alteret vendt mot apsis i kirken, som også var orientert mot øst.

Personlig syns jeg at de to største problemene med den nye messen (som det også er mye godt å si om) er at 1) den ofte ikke lenger oppfattes (av prester eller lekfolk) som en tydelig offer- og tilbedelseshandling (men det mye mer sekundære fellesskapsaspektet får nesten all vekt), og 2) at man ved å snu alteret (sik at presten ser folk i ansiktet når han ber til Gud) har forsterket dette mellommenneskelige aspektet, og ytterligere tonet ned at i messen rettes offeret, tilbedelsen og bønnen til Gud.

Louis Bouyers erfaringer fra konsilet – del 4

Her er litt mer av det Bouyer skriver om arbeidet med revideringen av messeliturgien rett etter konsilet – jeg har selv uthevet enkelte ord.

But what can I say, at a time when the talk was of simplifying the liturgy and of bringing it back to primitive models, about this actus poenitentialis inspired by Father Jungmann … The worst of it was an impossible offertory, in a Catholic Action, sentimental «workerist» style, the handiwork of Father Cellier, who with tailor-made arguments manipulated the despicable Bugnini in such a way that his production went through despite nearly unanimous opposition.

You’ll have some idea of the deplorable conditions in which this hasty reform was expedited when I recount how the second Eucharistic prayer was cobbled together. Between the indiscriminately archeologizing fanatics who wanted to banish the Sanctus and the intercessions from the Eucharistic prayer by taking Hippolytus’s Eucharist as is, and those others who couldn’t have cared less about his alleged Apostolic Tradition and wanted a slapdash Mass, Dom Botte and I were commissioned to patch up its text with a view to inserting these elements, which are certainly quite ancient—by the next morning! …

I prefer to say nothing, or little, about the new calendar, the handiwork of a trio of maniacs who suppressed, with no good reason, Septuagesima and the Octave of Pentecost and who scattered three quarters of the Saints higgledy-piggledy, all based on notions of their own devising! Because these three hotheads obstinately refused to change anything in their work and because the pope wanted to finish up quickly to avoid letting the chaos get out of hand, their project, however insane, was accepted!

… After all of this, it’s not much surprise if, because of its unbelievable weaknesses, the pathetic creature we produced was to provoke laughter or indignation—so much so that it makes one forget any number of excellent elements it nevertheless contains, and that it would be a shame not to salvage as so many scattered pearls in the revision that will inevitably be called for.

To finish with this sad tale, I shall point out what subterfuge Bugnini used to obtain what was closest to his heart, or, I should say, what the men who have to be called his handlers managed to pass through him.

On several occasions, whether the scuttling of the liturgy of the dead or even that incredible enterprise to expurgate the Psalms for use in the Divine Office, Bugnini ran into an opposition that was not only massive but also, one might say, close to unanimous. In such cases, he didn’t hesitate to say: «But the Pope wills it!» After that, of course, there was no question of discussing the matter any further.

… I would be given the answer, though weeks later, by Paul VI himself. As he was discussing our famous work with me, work which he had finally ratified without being much more satisfied with it than I was, he said to me: «Now why did you do [x] in the reform?» At this point, I must confess that I no longer recall specifically which of the details I have already mentioned was bothering him. Naturally, I answered: «Why, simply because Bugnini had assured us that you absolutely wished it.» His reaction was instantaneous: «Can this be? He told me himself that you were unanimous on this!» …

Louis Bouyers erfaringer fra konsilet – del 3

15okt_bouyer Boyer skriver dernest en hel del om sin deltagelse i kommisjonen som skulle revidere den katolske messen. Om dette skriver han slik:

What shall I say, after this, of my collaboration in the Consilium for the reform of liturgical books from which, after the publication of my Eucharistie and the call from Paul VI, I could not demur?

I should not like to be too harsh on this commission’s labors. It numbered a certain number of genuine scholars and more than one experienced and judicious pastor. Under different circumstances, they might have accomplished excellent work. Unfortunately, on the one hand, a deadly error in judgment placed the official leadership of this committee in the hands of a man who, though generous and brave, was not very knowledgeable: Cardinal Lercaro. He was utterly incapable of resisting the maneuvers of the mealy-mouthed scoundrel that the Neapolitan Vincentian, Bugnini, a man as bereft of culture as he was of basic honesty, soon revealed himself to be.

Even besides this, there was no hope of producing anything of greater value than what would actually come out of it, what with this claim of recasting from top to bottom and in a few months an entire liturgy it had taken twenty centuries to develop.

Having been expressly called to the sub-commission in charge of the Missal, I was petrified to discover a preparatory sub-commission’s projects when I arrived. It was inspired principally by Dom Cipriano Vagaggin from the Bruges Abbey and by the excellent Msgr. Wagner, from Trier. The idea was to obviate the Holland-born fashion of Eucharists being improvised in complete ignorance of the liturgical tradition going back to Christian origins. I still cannot understand by what aberration these excellent people, who were rather good historians and generally reasonable intellects, could suggest that the Roman Canon should be so disconcertingly carved up and put together again, as well as other projects claiming to be «inspired» by Hippolytus of Rome, but which were no less harebrained. …

For my part I was ready to resign on the spot and go home. But Dom Botte convinced me to stay on, if only to obtain some lesser evil.

At the end of the day, the Roman Canon was more or less respected and we managed to produce three Eucharistic Prayers which, despite rather wordy intercessions, reclaimed pieces of great antiquity and unequalled theological and euchological richness, long since out of use since the disappearance of the ancient Gallican rites. I have in mind the anamnesis of the third Eucharistic prayer, and also what we were able to salvage of a rather successful attempt to adapt a series of formulas from the ancient so-called «Saint James’s» prayer to the Roman scheme, thanks to Father Gelineau’s work, who was not always so well advised. …

Bouyer er som vi leser her lite imponert over kommisjonens leder, Annibale Bugnini – jeg har tidligere lest hans egen framstilling av reformarbeidet «The Reform of the Liturgy 1948-75». Og som Bouyer skriver er det utrolig at man i løpet av noen få måneder ønsket (og også gjennomførte!) en radikal reform av hele messeliturgien, en liturgi som hadde vokst fram i løpet av 2000 år – og konsilets biskoper ønsket jo bare en forsiktig reform av de meste nødvendige ting.

Adrian Fortescue og antimodernist-eden

fortescue_nichols Jeg har nettopp lest ferdig Aidan Nichols’ bok The Latin Clerk – The Life, Work and Travels of Adrian Fortescue.

Og jeg opplevde det samme som en anmelder skriver:

«Aidan Nichols’ work rescues Fortescue from any suggestion of obsessive liturgical pedantry, and presents instead a compelling picture of an exemplary priest, a meticulous scholar and a lively, adventurous and humorous man. … Aidan Nichols’ work succeeds admirably in presenting a more rounded picture of Doctor Fortescue than the image that one has if one only knows him as the author of a ceremonial guide. Fortescue was the model of the priest scholar, comparatively uncommon then as now, and very much a man of his time, throwing himself into controversies and parish life with equal energy.»

Fortescue hadde studert ulike liturgiske tradisjoner gundig (bl.a. under en lang og dramatisk reise i Midt-Østen), var klar og presis i alt han tenkte og skrev, og hadde utviklet et eksemplarisk liturgisk liv i den lille kirken der han var sogneprest, men var ikke spesielt interessert i liturgiske spissfindigheter. Han skrev sin berømte bok «The ceremonies of the Roman rite described» mest for å få penger til menighetsarbeidet. (Jeg kjøpte og leste denne boka med stor interesse for tre år siden.)

Det overrasket meg også en hel del å lese at Fortescue hadde ganske store problemer med å underskrive Pave Pius Xs antimodernist-ed i 1910, noe en annen anmelder beskriver slik:

The biggest difficulty for Fortescue was to come: the taking of the anti-Modernist oath, required of priests in 1910. Modernism, as a hotch-potch of suspected heresy, had nothing to do with being modern. Indeed, as Fortescue mentioned in a letter to a friend, he’d have felt far more comfortable in the Dark Ages of the 10th century than in the modern Roman world of Pope Pius X (pictured).

Fortescue wrote to Herbert Thurston, a wise Jesuit priest, wondering what force the wording of the oath had. He might have balked at something about historical criticism of the Bible in the accompanying document Lamentabili. We don’t know. But, for all his tenderness of conscience, take the oath he did. …

Hier liegt vor deiner Majestät

Jeg leser nå Aiden Nichols bok; Latin Clerk: The Life, Work and Travels of Adrian Fortescue. Det er en interessant og viktig bok, der han grundig beskriver Fortescues studier og reiser i Midt-Østen – der han får stor innsikt i de viktigste østlige kirkene – og også går grundig gjennom innholdet i Fortescues bøker. P. Adrian Fortescue dør dessverre altfor tidlig (49 år gammel) av kreft tidlig i 1923 (les om hans liv her), og i den siste delen av sitt liv husker han ofte på (fra sine studieår i Østerrike) og med stor trøst denne fine teksten og melodien.

Hier liegt vor deiner Majestät im Staub die Christenschar,
das Herz zu dir, o Gott, erhöht, die Augen zum Altar.
Schenk uns, o Vater, Deine Huld, vergib uns unsere Sündenschuld!
O Gott, von Deinem Angesicht verstoß uns arme Sünder nicht!
Verstoß uns nicht, verstoß uns Sünder nicht!

Wir haben Dich, o höchstes Gut, gar oft beleidigt schwer;
O Gott, vergib den Frevelmut, er reuet uns gar sehr!
Zur Sühnung bringt auf dem Altar Dein Sohn sich selbst zum Opfer dar;
um seinetwillen hab Geduld, vergib uns unsre schwere Schuld.
Erbarme Dich, erbarm Dich gnädiglich!

I Jugnmanns store verk i to bind «The Mass of the Roman Rite» (der jeg nå er midt inne i første bind) nevnes også denne teksten – i tysktalende land ble det nemlig tidlig (fra 1700-talet) vanlig å synge salmer på morsmålet, ofte til erstatning for messens latinske proprium og ordinarium. Jungmann skriver om denne teksten: «The best known example from this period is the Singmesse «Hier liegt vor deiner Majestät» (Here before thy masjesty lies), which appears with a first melody in the Landshus hymnal of 1777 and which, after acquiring a new set og melodies by Michael Haydn (d. 1806) continues in use even today.»

Under kan man høre flere av disse melodien sunget av Wiener Sängerknaben (sannsynligvis tidlig på 60-tallet?) – «Deutsches Hochamt» von Michael Haydn:

Zum Eingang «Hier liegt vor Deiner Majestät,
Gloria «Gott soll gepriesen werden»
Evangelium «Aus Gottes Munde gehet»
Credo «Allmächtiger,vor Dir im Staube»
Offertorium «Nimm an,o Herr die Gaben»
Sanctus «Singt heilig,heilig,heilig»
Nach der Wandlung «Sie,Vater von dem höchsten Throne»
Agnus Dei «Betrachtet ihn in Schmerzen»
Zur Komminion «O Herr,ich bin nicht würdig»
Zum letzten Segen «Nun ist das Lamm geschlachtet»
Zum Segen mit dem hochwürdigen Gut «Wir ehren Dich,verhöllter Wundergott»

Tradisjonell latinsk messe i Oslo søndag 27. september

Denne søndagen feires 18. søndag etter pinse etter den tradisjonelle kalenderen, i St Hallvard kirkes kapell kl 08.00.

Søndagens inngangsvers avsluttes slik: «Glede fylte meg da de sa til meg: vi går til Herrens hus.»

Det korte evangeliet er fra Matteus 9, 1-8:
«På den tid steg Jesus ut i en båt, fór over sjøen og kom til sin egen by. Og se, de førte til ham en lam mann som lå på en seng. Og da Jesus så deres tro, sa han til den lamme: «Vær frimodig, sønn, dine synder er tilgitt.» Og se, noen av de skriftlærde sa ved seg selv: «Han spotter Gud.» Og da Jesus så deres tanker, sa han: «Hvorfor tenker dere ondt i deres hjerter? Hva er lettest å si: dine synder er tilgitt, eller å si: stå opp og gå? Men for at dere skal vite at Menneskesønnen har makt på jorden til å tilgi syndene, – så sier han til den lamme: Stå opp, ta din seng og gå hjem.» Og han sto opp og gikk hjem. Men da mengden så det, fryktet de og priste Gud som hadde gitt menneskene en slik makt.»

LES ALLE SØNDAGENS TEKSTER HER.

Neste TLM blir ikke før søndag 27. desember. Se oversikten her.

Hjelp til å bli kjent med den tradisjonelle latinske messen

De tradisjonelle latinske messene i Oslo fortsetter, selv om hyppigheten har gått ned og profilen er nokså forsiktig. Det er en fast gruppe som kommer i disse messene, og de kjenner den tradisjonelle messen godt. Det gis heller ikke så mye hjelp mht hva som skjer i messen – bortsett fra messens proprium på latin og norsk som deles ut.

Men noen som kommer messen i blant trenger mer hjelp, og videoen under kan hjelpe disse. Teksten i denne videoen er spesielt tydelig, og presten har en fin italiensk aksent på sin latin.

På nettsidene for TLM i Oslo kan man også finne en oversikt over alt som skjer i messen.

Om den hellige Augustin og hans grav i Pavia

Den hellige Augstin døde, slik mange nok husker, 28, august 430, i Hipp i Nord-Afrika, og så skjedde det en hel del ting med hans legeme. Fr. Z. skriver bl.a. slik dette:

Sometime before the early 8th century, Augustine’s remains were translated from N. Africa to Sardinia for fear of desecration. It is possible that St. Fulgentius of Ruspe took Augustine’s body to Sardinia. Fulgentius had run afoul of the Arian Vandal overlords in N. Africa and was driven out. …

During the 8th century Augustine’s remains were in danger again, but this time by another gang of vandals called Arabs, who were swarming all over the Mediterranean as pirates and brigands. Sometime between 710 and 730 King Liutprand of the Lombards translated Augustine a second time. On some 11 October, Luitprand had him interred in Pavia in the church of San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro. …

15aug_Arca_di_SantAgostino With the passage of time people simply forgot where the saints bones actually physically were in the church. Eventually, the church itself came to be controlled by two different Augustinian groups, the Canons Regular and the Hermits. Let’s just say their relations were strained and leave it at that. Then somethingBenedict XIII happened that set off the war between them.

In 1695 a group of workman were excavating under the altar in the crypt of the church. They found a marble box containing human bones. The box apparently had some charcoal markings spelling the part of the word “Augustine”, though those markings disappeared. Great chaos ensued.

The memory of just where the relics of Augustine were placed in the church had been lost through the passing of the years. Finding them again set off a rather unedifying battle for their control between the Augustinian Hermits and the Canons Regular. Ultimately, Rome had to step in to resolve things. That’s what Pope’s do. …

In any event, Benedict XIII sent a letter to the Bishop of Pavia telling him to get their act together and figure out the questions of authenticity and control. Additional studies were made under someone appointed by Benedict and by 19 September of 1729 things were wrapped up.

Processions were held, solemn proclamations made about the authenticity of the relics, a great Te Deum was sung and there was a fireworks display, and anyone who decided to disagree and start the bickering again would be excommunicated. The good ol’ days.

The next year under Pope Clement XII the Cardinal Secretary of State (and a patron of the Canons Regular) commissioned the carving of the large main altar with its reliefs, completed in 1738, and which you can see today in the church where Augustine’s tomb is even now.

Pave bendikt besøkte Augustins grav i Pavia i 2005 – og jeg skrev om besøket her.

Det viktigste i liturgien er å tilbe Gud

15aug_ArsCelebrandi

On 19 August 2015, at the “Ars Celebrandi” workshop of traditional liturgy in Poland, bishop Athanasius Schneider from Kazakhstan celebrated Pontifical Mass and Vespers, and gave a lecture on the proper renewal of the liturgy and due adoration of the Blessed Sacrament. …

In his lecture, entitled “The Renewal of the Liturgy and the Perennial Sense of the Church”, which abounded in quotations from the New Testament, the writings of the Church Fathers and the Second Vatican Council’s Constitution on the Liturgy Sacrosanctum Concilium, His Excellency pointed out that the essential feature of the sacred liturgy is the adoration of God.

The Eucharistic liturgy is the most sublime realization of the first commandment of which Jesus reminded us: “You shall adore the Lord your God and worship Him alone” (Mat 4:10). Bishop Athanasius referred to the liturgical norms of the Church and the importance which should be attached to them in accordance with the whole Scripture and Catholic doctrine.

To establish an opposition between exterior norms and the attention of the heart would be against the Divine truth. Such a contrast was often established by heretical movements neglecting or refusing exterior norms, e.g. Christian Gnostics; Cathars and Albigensians; Calvinists; and some Catholic Pentecostals and Catholic Progressivists of various degrees in our days, he emphasized. …

Les mer om dette her.

Jungmanns «Mass of the Roman Rite» – del 2

Jeg skal det kommende halvåret studere meseen fra ca 1200 til ca 1600, og begynte derfor å lese Jungmanns grundige bok fra der han begynner å beskrive denne perioden, som han kaller den gotiske perioden. Han definerer denne med at en viss individualisme hadde begynt å tre fram, men også et behov for systematisering. Han skriver i andre avsnitt at den daglige fellesmessen i kloster og domkirker var den viktigste, men at det også ble feiret (som også før denne tid) en del private messer. Man hadde inntil ca 1200 brukt flere bøker i messen, men da begynte en Missale Plenum å erstatte de tidligere bøkene:

jungmann_mass

Someone has said, and rightly, that Gothic is in a special degree not only an art style (Kunststil) but a period style (Zeitstil). Because up till now the younger peoples of the North had studied zealously in the school of the older order of things, propriety and proportion, as they appeared in Romanesque, could become the expression of their life. But their growing powers were beginning to spring the old grooves on all sides, seeking newer designs. The individual and subjective, seeing and feeling on one’s own personal activity and personal capability—these came to the fore, and led to a stressing of the concrete and realistic, and consequently to a multiplicity of forms which could be kept together and coherent only by a renewed desire for organization. This new spirit did not call a halt even with regard to divine service; the arrangement of the Mass felt its influence in a most profound manner. Already there was talk of that multiplicity of forms which had developed after the year 1000, but an effort was also made to codify the new forms; we can see in this a parallel to an attempt at mastering the heaped-up resources of knowledge by means of the summas which have been ranged side by side with the daring architecture of the Gothic cathedrals.

At least in the eleventh-century community, forces still held the balance of power in ecclesiastical life and the life of divine worship. Beside the cathedral chapter there was in every larger place, and often also in the country, a collegiate chapter in which clerics under the leadership of a provost or dean led a life in common, and above all conducted a community service of worship. In contrast to them the clerics who were individually in the service of the nobility remained absolutely in shadow, especially since most of them lacked any higher education. For these capitular churches, and for Roman church architecture in general, a characteristic was the roomy choir with its stalls, no longer set in a half-circle around the altar but arranged in several parallel rows between altar and people. The daily conventual Mass, which was celebrated, as in the monasteries, in the presence of the assembled clerical community, formed the crown of choir prayer and the very climax of divine service. In the Mass regulations and in the rubrics of the liturgical books this community service is almost the only one considered; there the celebrant appears nearly always accompanied by deacon and subdeacon, even though private celebration is not unknown. Above all, however, the entire setting of the liturgical texts is still always predicated on the cooperation of a plurality of officials and ministers. The priest needs only the sacramentary. Lectionary and antiphonary continue to be separate books for the use of those who are to read or sing. This situation continues to prevail till about the start of the twelfth century.

But then a new arrangement of the liturgical books breaks into the picture; on the strength of this the priest can take over the roles of lector and chanter and thus discharge the duties of his office independently of them. The ties of the individual are thus loosed in the liturgy, just as in this same period the organization of the canonries had slackened or even dissolved with the trend towards personal prebends and separate residences. In the thirteenth century the Missale Plenum displaces the sacramentary.’ Presages of this new arrangement were the many silent prayers which, as we have seen, had begun to appear in the sacramentaries, at first (since the ninth century) only here and there, but since the eleventh almost universally. These prayers the priest did not have to perform with the community, but softly by himself.

There are isolated instances, especially within the confines of monasticism, where even at an earlier period the priest’s Mass book was fitted out with the lessons, so that the service of a lector could be dispensed with.’ Such books were very likely intended for the convenience of wandering monks, as may also be judged, in the case of the Missal of Bobbio, from the smallness of the book. In the church of Milan too, the oldest sacramentaries almost all incorporate the readings.’ Since the ninth century there appeared at various places sacramentaries in which, appendix fashion, a number of Masses with readings are inserted, sometimes also with the chant-texts. As a rule, in fact, the Masses of the commune and the Missce diversce, along with the Votive Masses, including the Masses for the Dead, were thus distinguished. Votive Masses and Masses for the Dead were employed essentially in the interests of individual families and persons, and especially if they followed each other in rapid succession, were held in the simplest form, often without the lector whose presence was, as a rule, still presumed.

………….

Jungmann: Mass of the Roman Rite

Jeg begynner å nærme meg min studiepermisjon (reiser til Roma 12/10) og har de siste ukene kjøpt inn en del litteratur jeg da skal lese. Jeg har også så smått begynte å lese den største og mest omfattende boka (900 sider over to bind); Mass of the Roman Rite, av Joseph A. Jugmann, S.J. Der begynner hans forord slik (i den engelske utgaven jeg har kjøpt):

Author’s Foreword

This I am sure noe one will doubt; if a study of our transmitted culture is worth the trouble not only of securing a surface knowledge, but of delving with all available care and love to gain an insight into its essence and its course of development, and to grasp the meaning of every last detail, certainly it is no less true—even aside from higher considerations—with regard to the liturgy of Holy Mass, which is daily celebrated on a hundred thousand altars, and to which, Sunday after Sunday, the whole Catholic population streams.

Of course there is no dearth of penetrating studies. Year after year they make their appearance for the widest possible circles of readers. Nor is there a want of scientific research. In the last few decades investigations of every sort have happily been on the increase. But a work of greater magnitude, which would assemble and evaluate the results of so many separate inquiries—that was hardly to be looked for

That the present writer undertook such a task is to be laid, in a sense, to the evil times through which we have passed. When the theological faculty at Innsbruck was abolished a few months after the invasion of the Nazi forces into Austria, the business of teaching could at first be carried on, at least in essentials and with scarcely a diminution of students, outside the confines of the University. But then came the second blow. On October 12, 1939 the Collegium Maximum was closed and given up, along with the Canisianum which had already been seized. But only a few days later, even before my departure from Innsbruck, I made up my mind to dedicate the time thus left free to me to an exposition of the Mass-liturgy. For that seemed to me to be the theme most useful to handle in a time of stress like this. Besides it was this subject that my previous studies and writings, and the great amount of notes and my moderately large collection of books would have best fitted me for. The dissolution of the college had of course involved not only the loss of the extensive college library, but likewise all access to the stacks of the liturgical seminar which had been built up through the years with much trouble and pain.

But I began the work anyway. To be sure, the notion that I could get along with just a few books soon proved to be a big mistake, for I wanted to build a solid structure that did not rest on conjecture and on the unexamined acceptance of the data of earlier authors. But in my new residence in Vienna I found that the friendliness of the authorities concerned opened up many libraries for my convenience …..

Gjenfunnet bok!

bugnini_reform
Etter fem år og elleve måneder er mitt eksemplar av Annibale Bugninis bok «The Reform of the Liturgy 1948-75» kommet til rette igjen. Jeg leste den ferdig rett etter at jeg kom til Oslo i 2009 (det er nå akkurat seks år siden), og så ble den bare plutselig borte. Bugnini skriver sel vi detaljer hvordan liturgiarbeidet foregikk, mest etter konsilet (og detaljert, sakrament for sakrament) og den er svært lærerik (selv om man ikke alltid er enig i vurderingene han presenterer.

Slik skriver han f.eks. om arbeidet med messeforandringene:

bugnini_messen

Jeg tenkte flere ganger på å kjøpe et nytt eksemplar av boka, men nå er det heldigvis ikke lenger nødvendig. Man kan kjøpe den fra Amazon.co.uk – SE HER – men den er dyr, jeg husker at jeg fikk den svært rimelig.

Þorláksmessa á sumar

I dag feirer vi den hellige Thorlakr, Islands vernehelgen. han døde 23/12 1193 men det er flyttingen av hans legeme vi feirer i dag. I en lang artikkel om ham på katolsk.no leser vi bl.a.:

Thorlákr hadde hele livet en skrantende helse. Han planla å gå av som biskop og trekke seg tilbake til sitt kloster i Thykkvibær, men før han rakk å gjøre det, døde han den 23. desember 1193 i Skálholt, seksti år gammel. Han ble etterfulgt av sin nevø Páll Jónsson (1195-1211). Snart etter begynte man å anse ham for hellig, først på Nord-Island, og herfra ble det lagt press på biskopen i Skálholt for å få ham anerkjent som helgen. Både på Island og utenfor begynte man å påkalle ham, for folket trodde på hans kraft.

I lovretten på Alltinget (Alþing) på Thingvellir, som inkluderte biskoper og presteskap, bekjentgjorde biskop Páll i 1198 at det var tillatt å påkalle biskop Thorlákr. På Alltinget ble det også vedtatt at Thorláks grav skulle åpnes og hans skjelett vaskes. Translasjonen fant sted den 20. juli 1198, og dette tilsvarer en helligkåring. På Alltinget i 1199 ble den første fortegnelse over hans jærtegn opplest, og hans dødsdag den 23. desember ble fastsatt som hans messedag, med to døgns faste forut. Han var den første islandske helgenen. Den hellige Jón Ögmundsson ble helligkåret av Alltinget to år senere, i 1200, og han og Thorlákr er de eneste helgenene i Kirkens historie som er helligkåret gjennom et parlamentsvedtak. Grunnen er at Alltinget fungerte både som parlament og kirkelig synode, og helligkåringen ble foretatt i egenskap av synode. …

… Ved helligkåringen ble Thorláks dødsdag 23. desember fastsatt som hans messedag, med to døgns faste forut. I 1237 ble også translasjonsdagen 20. juli vedtatt som festdag. I sin tid var 20. juli eller «Thorlaksmesse om sommeren» (Þorláksmessa á sumar) en stor dag på Island, hvor arbeidsfolk fikk fri og gaver fra sine «herrer». Da samlet islendingene seg på bestemte steder og holdt et gilde som ble kalt smalabúsreið. På 1700-tallet ble feiringen 20. juli avskaffet av sedelighetsgrunner av den lutherske kirken. Men «Thorlaksmesse om vinteren» (Þorláksmessa á vetur) skulle fortsette å bli markert langt inn i protestantisk tid.

Thorláks minnedag 23. desember var avmerket på den norske primstaven, og ble gjerne kalt Tollesmesse («Tolles» eller «Tollos» er en forvanskning av navnet Thorlákr). Men ved Den katolske kirkes kalenderrevisjon i 1969, da man ønsket færrest mulig helgenfester i faste- og adventstiden, ble hans feiring flyttet til translasjonsdagen 20. juli. På Island feires han fortsatt begge dagene. …

Tradisjonell latinsk messe i Oslo søndag 28. juni

Søndag 28. juni feires 5. søndag etter pinse etter den tradisjonelle kalenderen, i St Hallvard kirkes kapell kl 08.00.

Søndagens inngangsvers er: Exáudi, Dómine, vocem meam qua clamávi ad te: adjútor meus esto, ne derelínquas me neque despícias me, Deus salutáris meus. – Herre, hør min røst som jeg roper til deg med. Vær min hjelper og forlat meg ikke og se ikke bort fra meg, Gud, min frelse.

LES ALLE SØNDAGENS TEKSTER HER.

Neste TLM blir søndag 30. august. Se oversikten her.

Dristige tanker om liturgi, at den tradisjonelle messen kan berike oss i dag

Fr. Hunwicke skriver på sin blogg en hel om liturgien, og har svært god kunnskap om latin, liturgisk historie og (selvsagt) om den nye liturgien Ordinariatet har fått godkjent. Han skrev nylig slik:

The Abbot of Fontgombault, in an interview reported in the blog Rorate Caeli, said (among many interesting things) the following:

Many young priests … want a liturgy that is richer in the level of rites, associating more strictly the body to the celebration. Would it not be possible to propose in the Ordinary Form the [EF] prayers of the Offertory; to enrich it with [the] genuflections, inclinations, signs of the cross, of the Extraordinary Form? A rapprochement would [thus] easily take place between the two Forms, giving an answer to a legitimate [desire] and, additionally, a longed-for desire of Benedict XVI.

Og et par dager tidligere skrev han enda grundigere (og skarpere), bl.a. dette:

(1) I know many readers will disagree; but I believe that an important way ahead in the direction of resacralising the Novus Ordo is through the sanctioning of alternatives derived from the Vetus Ordo. Happily, the Ordinariate Ordo Missae has led the way to a very significant and exemplary extent. Its authorisation deserves to be bracketed with Summorum Pontificum and the New English translation of the Missal, as one of the three major achievements of the last Pontificate in terms of Liturgy; and as a major contribution, from our beloved Anglican Catholic tradition, to the whole Western Church.

Mass may begin with the Tridentine Praeparatio at the foot of the Altar. The Tridentine Offertory Prayers may be used; they are printed as Form 1 of two alternatives. Mass may conclude with the Last Gospel.

(2) Moving in exactly the opposite direction: alternative Eucharistic Prayers should be ruthlessly cut back. Their introduction was a flagrant violation of Sacrosanctum Concilium 23; the defence of the innovation by Pietro Marini (p141: » … consistent with the early Roman liturgy, which actually had used several anaphoras») seems to me … until someone enlightens me … a plain lie.

Here again, the Ordinariate Ordo Missae leads the way. It prints, in its main text, (an Anglo-Catholic translation of) the Canon Romanus, the First Eucharistic Prayer, used daily and universally in the Roman Rite until the disorders of the 1960s. (In an appendix, it does provide the pseudo-Hippolytan Prayer «not to be used on Sundays or Solemnities».)

I believe that the single most important liturgical reform which traditional clergy of whatever jurisdiction (if obliged to use the Novus Ordo) can effect, completely lawfully and without any permission from anyone, is to have a definite personal principle of exclusively using the Roman Canon, weekdays as well as Sundays. However much the Roman Rite varied in its various dialects and in different centuries, the Canon was the profoundly sacred moment of Consecration and of Uniformity, both synchronic and diachronic, binding together all who had ever celebrated, all who were at that moment celebrating, that Rite. I regard the introduction of alternative Eucharistic Prayers as by far the worst of the post-Conciliar corruptions. In an act of amazingly arbitrary Clericalism, the revisers placed the central Act of the Rite totally at the mercy of the daily whimsy of each celebrant.

(3) Rubrics should be redirected towards the holiness of the Great Sacrifice.

The most significant example of this is the the double genuflexion, i.e. before and after each Elevation, prescribed in the Ordinariate Rite.

Such things can be found among Novus Ordo celebrants … … Anglican Catholics for a century brought in the Tridentine rite gradually. While there were parishes where they went overnight from Mattins to the Missal, most clergy gradually added more of the Missal to the Prayer Book, both in terms of text and of ritual, until, perhaps decades later, they had got there. Should we undermine Catholic Clergy who feel they can take their people with them most easily by a gradual transformation of the OF … until the day comes when the transition to the EF is totally painless?

Jeg skal ha studiepermisjon kommende vinter

Biskop Eidsvig har gikk meg studiepermisjon kommende vinter fra 1/11-15 til 29/2-16 (riktignok uten lønn). Denne uka ble dette kunngjort i de offisielle medelelsene som biskopen sender ut, selv om jeg så langt ikke har sett det kunngjort på www.katolsk.no. Jeg bruker også årets siste ferieuker og reiser fra Oslo 12. oktober, og er tilbake til Palmesøndag.

De to første månedene av permisjonen skal vi være i Roma, og der har jeg formulert mitt studium slik:

«Jeg skal studere utviklingen av den katolske messen fra ca 1200 til ca 1600. Ved starten av denne perioden forandret kommunionen seg ganske mye; fra kommunion i begge skikkelser og ganske ofte, til bare én skikkelse og ganske sjeldent. Messen ble gradvis mer slik at lekfolket (bare) kunne se det som skjedde, og prestens elevasjon kom inn på den tiden, og bla. også de nye offertoriebønnene. Utviklingen av lokale liturgier fortsatte, bl.a. hadde Nidaros en egen messebok. Perioden avsluttes med at Pave Pius V strømlinjeformet den katolske messen (bare de eldste lokale tradisjonene fikk fortsette), og den nye romerske messeboken i 1570.»

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